Jean Piaget

Jean Piaget

Swiss psychologist Jean William Fritz Piaget is renowned for his studies on ch development. "Genetic epistemology" refers to the combination of Piaget's theory of cognitive development with epistemological perspective.

Piaget thought that children's education was very important. He said that "only education is capable of saving our societies from possible collapse, whether violent, or gradual" in 1934 while serving as the International Bureau of Education's Director. Curriculum development according to his idea is taught in pre-service education programmes. Teachers are still using constructivist-based teaching methods. While teaching at the University of Geneva, Piaget founded the International Centre for Genetic Epistemology in 1955. He oversaw the organisation until his passing in 1980. The Centre is now referred to as "Piaget's factory" in academic literature due to the volume of partnerships it enabled and their significance upon inception.

Piaget was dubbed "the great pioneer of the constructivist theory of knowing" by Ernst von Glasersfeld. However, it wasn't until the 1960s that his theories gained widespread acceptance. This ultimately caused the study of development to become one of psychology's main subfields. As the most-cited psychologist of the 20th century, Piaget was surpassed only by B. F. Skinner at its conclusion.

Personal life

In Neuchâtel, in the Francophone part of Switzerland, Piaget was born in 1896. He was the eldest child of Rebecca Jackson (French) and Arthur Piaget (Swiss), a mediaeval literature professor at the University of Neuchâtel. Rebecca Jackson's great-grandfather, James Jackson, a steelmaker born in Lancashire, was descended from a well-known family of English-speaking French steel factory proprietors. Piaget was an exceptionally bright youngster who became interested in biology and the natural world. At the age of fifteen, he had written many essays on mollusks, which gained him recognition among people in the field due to his early interest in biology.

His previous nanny had once told his parents a falsehood about fending off an attempted kidnapper from baby Jean's pram, and at the age of fifteen, he wrote to them to apologise. No kidnapper has ever existed. Piaget was captivated by the idea that he had created a lasting recollection of the kidnapping event, although realising it was a fabrication.

His godfather encouraged him to study logic and philosophy, which sparked an interest in epistemology. He received his education at the University of Neuchâtel and attended the University of Zürich for a short time. He wrote two philosophical articles at this period that revealed the direction of his thinking at the time, but he later wrote them off as the product of teenage thinking. This is also the moment that his interest in psychoanalysis, a developing branch of psychology at the time, began.

Following his graduation, Piaget relocated to Paris, where he worked as a teacher at the Grange-Aux-Belles Street School for Boys in Switzerland. The founder of the Binet-Simon exam, which Lewis Terman later modified to become the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Alfred Binet oversaw the institution. Piaget helped with the IQ test grading for Binet. While assisting with the marking of some of these exams, Piaget observed that young children frequently answered some questions incorrectly.

Piaget was more interested in the kinds of mistakes that young children frequently made, mistakes that older children and adults were able to avoid, than in the fact that the children's replies were incorrect. This gave rise to his hypothesis that the cognitive processes of young children and adults vary fundamentally. In the end, he was to put out a theory of cognitive developmental phases that is global in nature, according to which people share specific cognitive patterns across every developmental stage.

Piaget left his position as head of the Rousseau Institute in Geneva and went to Switzerland in 1921. Édouard Claparède was the institute's director at the time. Many of Claparède's theories were known to Piaget, notably the psychological notion of "groping," which was strongly related to the "trials and errors" seen in human brain processes.

He wed Valentine Châtenay in 1923; the couple had three children, whom Piaget observed from an early age. Châtenay was born on 7 January 1899 and died on 3 July 1983. Piaget taught psychology, sociology, and the philosophy of science at the University of Neuchatel from 1925 until 1929. Jean Piaget took up his position as Director of the International Bureau of Education in 1929 and led this global institution until 1968. He wrote "Director's Speeches" every year, specifically addressing his educational philosophy, for the International Conference on Public Education and the IBE Council.

Piaget was asked to be the principal consultant for two conferences at Cornell University (March 11-13) and the University of California, Berkeley (March 16-18) after having lectured at the Universities of Geneva and Paris in 1964. The purpose of the conferences was to discuss the connection between curriculum creation and cognitive research, as well as the potential curricular implications of new studies on children's cognitive development.

Piaget received the Erasmus Prize in 1972 as well as the Balzan Prize for Social and Political Sciences in 1979. Following his wish, Piaget was interred with his family in an unmarked tomb at the Cimetière des Rois (Cemetery of Kings) in Geneva after passing away on September 16, 1980.

Career History

Four phases make up Jean Piaget's theoretical study program, according to Harry Beilin:

  • The social development model.
  • The intellectual development paradigm is based on biology.
  • The creation of the rational model of intellectual growth.
  • The examination of symbolic thinking.

Because of their significant differences from one another, the ensuing theoretical frameworks have been described as reflecting several "Piagets." In a more recent response to Beilin, Jeremy Burman suggested adding "the zeroeth Piaget," a period that comes before psychology.

Piaget, prior to psychology

Piaget studied philosophy and natural history before he became a psychologist. In 1918, he graduated with a PhD from the University of Neuchâtel. After that, he completed post-doctoral studies in Paris (1919-1921) and Zürich (1918-1929). In 1919, Théodore Simon employed him to standardize psychometric tests for use with French youth. Only after relocating to Geneva in 1922 to take a position as director of research at the Rousseau Institute under Édouard Claparède did the thinker become known as we know him today.

The sociological model of development

In the 1920s, Piaget began to grow as a psychologist. He looked into what kids' minds were hiding. According to Piaget, children transitioned from an egocentric to a sociocentric mindset. He created what he called a semi-clinical interview for this explanation by combining the application of clinical and psychological procedures. He asked the kids standardized questions at the start of the interview, and based on their responses, he would ask them more standard questions. Piaget frequently posed questions that the kids were not prepared for nor anticipated because he was searching for what he called "spontaneous conviction." He saw in his research that instinctive answers gave way gradually to rational, scientific, and socially acceptable ones. According to Piaget's theory, children engaged in this behavior as a result of social interactions and the challenge that older children's ideas posed to those of younger ones.

Elton Mayo based the well-known Hawthorne Experiments on this work. In 1936, Piaget was awarded an honorary doctorate by Harvard University.

The intellectual development paradigm based on biology

At this point, Piaget thought that thinking and intellectual growth might be seen as a continuation of the biological process of the species (adaptation), which consists of two continuous processes: accommodation and assimilation. When a youngster reacts to a new experience in a way that makes sense given their preexisting schema, this is known as absorption. When a kid creates a whole new schema or adapts an old one to deal with a novel item or event, there is accommodation.

He maintained that when babies sucked on anything within reach, they were assimilating. According to him, newborns turn everything into a sucking item. In order for the items to fit into their mental systems, the kids were integrating them. Piaget, therefore, postulated that assimilation occurs anytime the world is changed to suit personal requirements or ideas. Piaget also saw his kids adapting parts of their mental structures to suit the demands of their surroundings, in addition to absorbing items to suit their requirements. This is the second kind of accommodation within adaptation. Initially, the newborns' activities were mostly reflex ones, like sucking, but soon they began to pick up things and put them in their mouths. They adapt their reflex reaction in this way, incorporating the outside objects into their reflex activities.

The continual desire to strike a balance between the two, which are frequently at odds with one another, serves as the catalyst for intellectual progress. Piaget studied his own children's habits in order to test his idea.

Expansion of the rational framework for intellectual growth

According to the third stage of Piaget's model, intelligence progresses via a sequence of age-related phases that are sequential in nature since each stage must be completed before moving on to the next. The kid develops an understanding of reality according to that stage of development. The youngster must maintain prior levels of mental ability to recreate concepts at the following stage. According to Piaget, intellectual growth is an upward spiral in which kids have to continuously piece together earlier-formed notions with new, higher-order ideas they learn at the next level.

When Piaget's theories were "rediscovered" in the 1960s, American psychologists mostly discussed the "Third Piaget"-the logical model of intellectual development.

Examination of symbolic thinking

Piaget examined non-logical aspects of intelligence such as perception and memory. Since logical concepts can always be traced back to their original starting point, they are referred to as fully reversible. This means that if one begins with a given premise and proceeds in a certain order to arrive at a conclusion, the same steps can be taken in the opposite order, beginning from the conclusion to arrive at the premise. Piaget explored perceptual notions that were immutable. Piaget utilises images to illustrate the metaphorical process. Contours cannot be detached from the forms they delineate, just as pictures cannot be removed from their sources. Similar to this, memory is never fully reversible; individuals may not always be able to recall every incident that occurred in between two periods in time. Piaget and his collaborator Inhelder wrote works on perception, memory, and other metaphorical processes like learning during this latter phase of their research.

The idea of readiness is crucial since Piaget's theory is predicated on biological growth and phases. Concerns about readiness arise when certain knowledge or ideas need to be taught. Piaget's hypothesis states that some concepts shouldn't be taught to kids until they have reached the right cognitive development stage. Preoperational children, for instance, think in "irreversible" ways and are unable to understand that something that has undergone some sort of transformation may be changed back to its original condition.

Theory

Piaget identified as a "genetic" epistemologist who was concerned in the process of how knowledge develops on a qualitative level. He saw the formation of cognitive structures as a differentiation of biological rules. His whole theory was a groundbreaking and fascinating breakthrough for the psychological world when it was initially made public. The theory is based on both a structuralist and a cognitivitist approach.

Piaget's study programme had four distinct periods, each of which featured books on specific developmental psychology themes. Specifically, he talked about researching his own three children and closely watching and analysing their cognitive growth over one research period. He aims to explain knowledge development as a process of equilibration using two main concepts in his theory, assimilation and accommodation, as belonging not only to biological interactions but also to cognitive ones, in one of his last books, Equilibration of Cognitive Structures: The Central Problem of Intellectual Development.

Piaget conducted experiments with children and teenagers because he thought that by looking at the genetic side of things, answers to the epistemological concerns of the day might be found, or better yet, provided. "What the genetic epistemology proposes is discovering the roots of the different varieties of knowledge, from its elementary forms, following to the next levels, including also the scientific knowledge," the author states in the introduction of his book Genetic Epistemology.

Stages

In Piaget's theory, the four phases of development are delineated as follows:

Sensorimotor stage

From infancy to two years of age. The kids use their senses and mobility to interact with the outside environment. Children are very egocentric during the sensorimotor stage, which means they are unable to see the world from the perspectives of others. Six substages comprise the sensorimotor stage:

  1. Basic reflexes: up to one month of age. Infants employ reflexes like sucking and rooting at this age.
  2. Initial routines and fundamental cyclic responses: Between one and four months of age. Infants learn to synchronise two types of schema (circumstantial responses and habits) throughout this period. An example of a primary circular reaction is when a newborn attempts to replicate an accidental event (such as sucking their thumb).
  3. Circular secondary reactions: Between four and eight months of age. They start to become more object-oriented at this point and become conscious of objects outside of their own body. They may now unintentionally shake a rattle and carry on for the enjoyment of it.
  4. Secondary circular reactions coordination: Between the ages of eight and twelve months. At this point, individuals are able to take deliberate action. At this point, they can mix and match schemata in an attempt to accomplish a task (e.g., use a stick to reach something). In the latter months and the first few months of the next stage, they also start to comprehend object permanence. In other words, they know that things exist even when they are hidden from view.
  5. New and inquisitive tertiary circular reactions: From the age of twelve to eighteen months. In this stage, babies experiment with new items and try various activities to see what happens.
  6. Schemata internalisation: Kenneth Kaye and other adherents of Piaget's research on infancy contend that while Piaget was a valuable observer of many phenomena never before documented, he was unable to provide an explanation of the processes that led to those developments in real time, only drawing general analogies between them and biological adaptation in general. Piaget's approach, according to Kaye's "apprenticeship theory" of cognitive and social development, held that newborns' minds evolved naturally until they acquired the ability to think symbolically, which enabled them to acquire language."

Preoperational stage

The preoperational stage, which is Piaget's second stage, lasts from the time a kid learns to talk at age two until age seven. According to Piaget, children cannot cognitively manipulate information or comprehend concrete logic during the preoperational stage of cognitive development. This is the time when children start to play and pretend more. The youngster still struggles to perceive things from diverse perspectives, though. Play for youngsters may be broadly classified into two categories: manipulating symbols and symbolic play. Checkers as food, paperclips as dishes, and a box as a table are examples of this kind of play. Their observations of symbols provide as an example of play when the actual items are absent.

Piaget was able to show through play sequence observations that, by the end of the second year, a completely new type of psychological functioning known as the preoperational stage takes place.

When it comes to mental processes, the preoperational stage is logically insufficient and scant. The youngster might develop both magical beliefs and solid concepts. Nonetheless, the youngster remains incapable of carrying out surgeries, which are cerebral rather than physical duties. At this age, a child's thinking is still egocentric, which means they have trouble understanding other people's perspectives. The symbolic function substage and the intuitive thinking substage are the two substages that make up the preoperational stage. When infants are able to comprehend, represent, recall, and visualise items in their minds without having the object in front of them, they are said to be in the symbolic function substage. Children who are in the intuitive mind substage frequently ask "why?" and "how come?" Children desire to know everything at this point of development.

There are two substages within the Preoperational Stage:

  1. Substage of Symbolic Function
    Children use symbols to depict physical representations of their environment between the ages of two and four. A child's depiction of their family serves as an example of this, with people not being drawn to scale or given appropriate physical characteristics. Although the youngster is aware of their errors, they do not seem to care.
  2. Substage of Intuitive Thought
    Children often start using rudimentary reasoning around the ages of four and seven when they start to become extremely interested and ask lots of questions. A growing number of people are interested in logic and the reasons behind why things are the way they are. The reason Piaget named it the "intuitive substage" is because children are aware of how much information they possess, but they do not know how it was gained. Preoperative cognition is characterised by class inclusion, irreversibility, conservation, centering, and transitive inference.
  • Age range for the concrete operational stage: seven to eleven. Youngsters are now confined to what they can physically control, but they can speak and reason rationally (they grasp reversibility). They have lost their egotism. Children learn more about concepts that were previously unknown to them, such as conservation and reasoning, at this period. Children's categorization abilities also significantly increase.
  • Formal operational stage: the development of abstract reasoning from the age of eleven to sixteen and beyond. Youngsters are able to think abstractly, preserve, and reason rationally in their minds with ease. At this stage of development, abstract cognition first appears. Kids may now employ metacognition and think abstractly. In addition, kids in the formal operational period show greater aptitude for addressing problems, frequently in several steps.

The psychology of correspondences and functions

Piaget had occasionally come under fire for characterising preoperational children more in terms of the cognitive abilities they did not possess than of their achievements in the cognitive domain. Research on the achievements of such kids within the context of Piaget's psychology of functions and correspondences emerged at a late stage in the theory's development. Unlike what one might anticipate from a stage-bound theory, this new phase of Piaget's work showed more continuity in human development and was less dependent on specific stages.

Sets X and Y as well as ordered pairs of elements (x,y), where x is an element of X and y, Y, can be used as examples of functions. An element of X is translated into exactly one element of Y in a function (the other way around need not be true). This means that a function is a unique mapping in a single direction, or, in the words of Piaget and colleagues, "univocal to the right." His work, which occurred in the latter part of his incredibly prolific life, is occasionally missing from developmental psychology textbooks. According to Piaget and colleagues, the uniqueness criterion obtains in either case when every element of X maps onto exactly one element of Y and every element of Y maps onto precisely one element of X. This relationship between the elements of X and Y is referred to as "biunivocal" or "one-to-one." The notion that a preoperational youngster has some comprehension of one-way order functions was put up by them.

The "semilogic" of these order functions, according to Piaget's colleagues at Geneva, maintains the preoperational child's capacity to index and compare items using spatial extent. For instance, a child may index the number of items in an array using the array's length. The kid would thus conclude that the lengthier of the two arrays contained more things. These kinds of comparisons, while not perfect, are frequently reasonable (or "semilogical") alternatives to precise quantification. Moreover, the child's basic understanding of environmental regularities is based on these order functions. Young children are able to create sequences of items with alternating colours, which is consistent with Piaget's constructivist research approach. They also get the concept of exchanging cards with photos of various flowers in pairs.

Morphisms, as studied by Piaget and colleagues, are distinct from the operative changes seen in real operational children. In 1977, Piaget argued that "correspondences and morphisms are essentially comparisons that do not transform objects to be compared but that extract common forms from them or analogies between them." He promoted the theory that "primitive applications" of action plans to environmental objects give rise to this kind of knowledge. In one morphism research, Piaget and colleagues gave children four base cards, each with a red and a white region. The children were instructed to identify things in a sequence of moveable red cutouts that could cover a pre-specified piece of each card.

Essentially, the child's job was to layer the cutouts over a base card such that it seemed red all over. Out of the total 12 cuttings, only three-all of which differed somewhat from one another-could turn a whole base card crimson. The youngest students, who were five years old, were able to match one cut-out to one base card by trial and error. This kind of morphism was dubbed a term-by-term correspondence, or bijection, by Piaget et al. More advanced kids may do more by finding out how to use three cuts to make the entire card seem red. Stated differently, they were able to match three to one. It was dubbed a many-to-one match surjection by Piaget et al. (1977)

Developmental Cycle

Piaget did not offer a succinct summary of the entire process of development. In general, it was composed of the following cycle:

  • The youngster is able to observe the features of the activity and its consequences when they carry out an action that affects or arranges items.
  • The youngster gains the ability to distinguish and integrate its parts and consequences through repeated acts, sometimes with modifications, in various settings, or on various sorts of things. This is the "reflecting abstraction" process (Piaget 2001 provides a detailed description).
  • The youngster may also recognise an object's characteristics by seeing how various activities influence it. This is how "empirical abstraction" is done.
  • The youngster gains new information and understanding by repeating this procedure with a variety of items and behaviours. This is how a new "cognitive stage" is developing. Through these two processes, the kid can create new strategies for interacting with objects and learn new facts about the items themselves.
  • But after the youngster has built these new types of knowledge, he or she begins to apply them to make ever more sophisticated objects and do even more sophisticated tasks. Consequently, the kid begins to identify increasingly intricate patterns and create increasingly intricate items. Consequently, a new phase starts, which won't end until the child's whole activities and experience have been rearranged around this still higher level.

While the progression into new phases may not be entirely progressive, recent data indicates that it is more gradual than previously believed. A new degree of structure, expertise, and understanding will be swiftly applied to other domains, if any, as soon as it is shown to be successful. Because of this, changes in cognitive functioning might appear abrupt and drastic, but in reality, a kid has frequently mastered one part of a new stage while ignoring others. Fine-tuning this new cognitive level takes most of the time in a new stage, however it doesn't always happen rapidly. For instance, depending on the colour, a youngster could notice that two distinct colours of Play-Doh have been combined to create a single ball. In contrast, sugar "disappeared" and is thus seen by the youngster as nonexistent if it is combined with water or iced tea. Our awareness of the world around us develops gradually as these stages of a single cognitive idea are not realised all at once.

The reason the sequence of cognitive stages is logically required rather than just empirically right is because this process adopts a dialectical shape, where each new stage is generated by the further differentiation, integration, and synthesis of new structures out of the old. For instance, depending on the colour, a youngster could notice that two distinct colours of Play-Doh have been combined to create a single ball. In contrast, sugar "disappeared" and is thus seen by the youngster as nonexistent if it is combined with water or iced tea. Our awareness of the world around us develops gradually as these stages of a single cognitive idea are not realised all at once.

The reason the sequence of cognitive stages is logically required rather than just empirically right is because this process adopts a dialectical shape, where each new stage is generated by the further differentiation, integration, and synthesis of new structures out of the old. As a result, if a young kid can reliably and precisely identify various animal species, he or she can go on to classify the species into higher-level categories like "fish," "birds," and so forth. This is important since it means that they may now learn facts about a new species just by identifying it as a bird, such the knowledge that it will lay eggs.

Simultaneously, via introspection and self-reflection, kids build a progressively sophisticated understanding of the diverse "rules" that guide them. For instance, Piaget describes this child's developing knowledge of concepts like "right," "valid," "necessary," "proper," and so on in this way. Put another way, the kid develops the ideas that underpin behaviour that is both appropriate and successful through the processes of objectification, reflection, and abstraction.

One of Piaget's most well-known research concentrated only on children's ability to discriminate between two and a half and four and a half years old. In order to start the research, he divided the children into two groups of varying ages and arranged two lines of candy: one with the candy farther apart and the other with the same quantity of candy closer together. He found that, "Children between 2 years, 6 months old and 3 years, 2 months old correctly discriminate the relative number of objects in two rows; between 3 years, 2 months and 4 years, 6 months they indicate a longer row with fewer objects to have "more"; after 4 years, 6 months they again discriminate correctly". Younger children were initially not investigated since it was assumed that if a kid could not preserve quantity at the age of four, then a younger child could not either. The findings indicate that while children exhibit quantity conservation up to the age of three years and two months, they lose this feature as they grow older and don't regain it until they are four and a half years old. This skill may be lost if a four-year-old is unable to reverse events or if they have an excessive reliance on perceptual methods that drive them to associate longer lines of sweets with more candy.

Upon completion of the trial, many outcomes were observed. First, the logical ability for cognitive processes appears sooner than previously recognised in younger children, as demonstrated by their discriminative ability. This study also shows that, depending on how logically a task is structured, young toddlers might be predisposed to specific abilities for cognitive functions. Additionally, studies reveal that youngsters begin to express explicit comprehension at the age of five. Consequently, the child will count the candies to determine which has more. Ultimately, the study concluded that general quantity conservation is not a fundamental feature of the original inheritance of humans.

Epistemology of genetics

"Explaining knowledge and in particular scientific knowledge, on the basis of its history, its sociogenesis, and especially the psychological origins of the notions and operations upon which it is based" is the stated goal of genetic epistemology, says Jean Piaget. Piaget claimed that by seeing how children think and behave, he could evaluate epistemological claims. Piaget thus developed the discipline of genetic epistemology, which has its own issues and procedures. According to his definition, this area focuses on studying child development in order to address epistemological issues.

Diagram

A hierarchical cluster of concepts known as a schema (plural: schemata) can be used to describe things, scenarios, relationships, or sequences of events. Schemata are natural structures that assist us in making sense of the world. This idea was initially put out by the philosopher Immanuel Kant.

A mental model known as a schema is formed as kids engage with their social and physical contexts. For instance, a lot of three-year-olds believe that the sun is alive since it rises and sets every day. These kids are functioning on the basic cognitive model that anything that moves is alive, according to Piaget. Children use their existing cognitive frameworks to make sense of the world around them, regardless of age.

Furthermore, because cognitive processes change with age, younger and older children may often perceive and react to the same things and situations in completely different ways.

Three types of intellectual structures were identified by Piaget (1953): Operational, symbolic, and behavioural (also known as sensorimotor) schemata.

  • Behaviours that are arranged into patterns and utilised to represent and react to things and experiences are called behavioural schemata.
  • Symbolic schemata are internal mental representations of experiences, such as pictures or spoken codes.
  • Operational schemata are the internal mental operations one makes on thought objects.

Piaget argues that children develop a schema, or mental framework, for how they understand and/or interpret what they are going through through the processes of assimilation and accommodation. Little children's early conceptions are therefore often more universal or generic in character.

In a similar vein, adults see children's conceptions as extremely generalized and even erroneous, according to Gallagher and Reid (1981). These ideas get more sophisticated and in-depth with more time, experience, and encounters. All things considered, understanding the world through a child's eyes is a very difficult and drawn-out task.

What is a schema?

  • One of the most crucial components of conceptual development
  • Continuously undergoing revision or modification
  • Altered by ongoing encounters
  • A broad concept that is typically derived from past knowledge or experience.

Every time a youngster has a new experience, these schemata are continuously updated and expanded upon. Children achieve this by developing their own distinct perspective on the world, interpreting their own experiences and information, and then applying this understanding to tackle more difficult challenges. From a neurological perspective, the brain and mind are continuously reorganising themselves as they process new information, modify it, and deepen their knowledge.

Research Methods

Piaget aspired to transform the practise of conducting research. In order to have a less guided form of research that would yield more empirically valid results, he continued to search for new ways to combine data, such as naturalistic observation, psychometrics, and the psychiatric clinical examination, even though he and his colleagues had begun their research using a traditional method of data collection. He was not entirely satisfied with the results. Piaget authored a book titled The Language and Thought of the Child, which sought to synthesise the methodologies he was employing to examine the conclusions children made from events and the processes by which they came to those conclusions, while he was developing new research techniques. The major goal was to study children's mental processes by seeing how they responded to and explained particular events using their own reasoning (Mayer, 2005).

In a test, 15 boys, aged 10 to 14, were asked to explain the difference between a bouquet of mixed flowers and a bunch of flowers of the same colour. Piaget conducted the test. This study used a psychometric research approach to examine the boys' thought processes and make judgements about the reasoning processes they employed. Piaget also employed the psychoanalytic technique that Sigmund Freud had first created. Examining the unconscious mind and carrying out parallel investigations using various research methodologies were the goals of this approach. Piaget subsequently rejected psychoanalysis, believing it to be too empirical (Mayer, 2005).

Piaget maintained that the aims of speech usage in children and adults differed. He experimented with evaluating a child's perception of a narrative to support his claims. In the experiment, a youngster listened to a narrative and then recounted it in their own words to a buddy. This study looked at how kids communicate and comprehend one another without help from adults. Piaget sought to comprehend a child's reasoning by exploring the boundaries of naturalistic observation. He understood the challenge of researching children's minds as it might be challenging to determine whether or not a youngster is acting as though their ideas are genuine. Piaget was the first to study children's speech and behaviour in social settings where they were at ease and free to explore their talks in a conversational manner (Kose, 1987).

Issues and possible solutions

After completing numerous studies, Piaget was able to identify important distinctions between the ways that adults and children reason. Nevertheless, he was unable to identify children's unspoken thoughts and the path of logic reasoning, which would have allowed him to track a child's intellectual development over time (Mayer, 2005). The Child's Conception of the World, Piaget's third book, acknowledged the shortcomings of his earlier methods and the value of psychiatric clinical assessment. The researcher thought that a child's inner reality emerged depending on how clinical evaluations were carried out. Children's responses would probably vary depending on the research design, the questions posed, and how comfortable they are in the surroundings. An in-depth analysis of a child's thought process is provided by the clinical examination he did for his third book. One query that was used to gather information for this kind of procedure was, "Can you see a thought?"

Development of new methods

Piaget understood that psychometric tests had limitations because children could not share with a researcher their innermost ideas and thoughts. It was also challenging to determine whether the outcomes of the child examination accurately represented what the kids thought or if it was all just make-believe. For instance, it might be exceedingly challenging to determine with absolute confidence whether a toddler conversing with a toy thinks the object is alive or is only acting. Not long after coming to certain results on psychometric research, Piaget began creating the clinical assessment technique. The clinical procedure involved asking a kid questions, closely evaluating their answers to see how the child reasoned based on the questions, and then analysing the responses to see how the child perceived the world. Piaget understood the challenges of conducting an interview with a kid and the significance of distinguishing between "liberated" and "spontaneous" replies.

Criticism of Piaget's research methods

Based on contemporary psychological research criteria, Piaget's study methodologies would be deemed questionable. In fact, a contemporary reviewer stated that "many of Piaget's pioneering investigations would probably be rejected from most modern journals on methodological grounds of sample size, non-standard measurement, and lack of inter-rater reliability."

Very tiny, non-randomly selected samples were used in Piaget's studies. His research on just three kids-his own-formed the basis of his book The Origins of Intelligence in Children. This indicates that extrapolating Piaget's conclusions to a larger population is challenging. Because Piaget did not adhere to a predetermined protocol and instead engaged directly with his study participants, it is possible that the parameters of the experiment varied somewhat from subject to subject, creating problems with consistency.

He collected data in the field by taking handwritten notes, which he then analysed on his own, as voice recording equipment was not widely used at the time he worked there. This is not how numerous coders are used nowadays to guarantee test validity. Furthermore, detractors like Linda Siegel contend that Piaget's studies produced false results regarding kids' lack of thinking abilities because they failed to sufficiently account for social context and the kids' comprehension-or lack thereof-of the language used in the test assignment.

Because of these methodological problems, scientists who have attempted to duplicate Piaget's studies have discovered that even little modifications to his protocols produce unexpected outcomes. Piaget's theoretical interpretations of his test findings are challenged by the fact that, in his tests of object-permanence and conservation of number, for instance, the ages at which children pass the tests vary substantially dependent on minor modifications in the test process.

Development of research methods

Piaget desired to conduct his studies in settings where kids might relate to some of the real-world elements. The plan was to abandon the interviews with ambiguous questions and adopt a different strategy, as outlined in his book The Child's Conception of the World. In his book The Child's Conception of Physical Causality, he outlined this novel method in which kids were given problems to solve on their own and were required to come up with creative answers. Later, after closely examining earlier techniques, Piaget created a method in his book Judgement and Reasoning in the Child that combined clinical interviews with naturalistic observation, testing a child's intelligence through questions and attentive observation. Piaget felt certain he had discovered a highly successful method for deciphering and accessing a child's worldview (Mayer, 2005). Piaget's work has made a significant contribution to the area of developmental psychology by combining theoretical and practical research methodologies (Beilin, 1992). "Piaget is often criticised because his method of investigation, though somewhat modified in recent years, is still largely clinical". He looks at a child's environment and conduct. After making a few little changes to the environment, he formulates a hypothesis and tests it, concentrating on both the behaviour and the surroundings.

Influence

Even though Piaget stopped being a popular psychologist, his impact may still be seen in the size and scope of the Jean Piaget Society, which hosts yearly conferences with attendance of around 700 people. His idea of cognitive growth has shown to be beneficial in a variety of contexts:

  • Philosophy
  • Evolution
  • Primatology
  • Artificial Intelligence
  • Education and Mortality
  • Historical studies of thought and cognition
  • Development psychology

Developmental Psychology

The most significant figure in developmental psychology is said to be Piaget. However, mainstream psychologists no longer agree with many of his views. Today's developmental psychologists do not believe that development occurs in phases, and a number of Piaget's empirical conclusions have been refuted by other studies. Psychologists, for instance, no longer think that infants cannot comprehend object permanence or that young toddlers are incapable of comprehending abstract ideas. Nevertheless, as the father of their discipline, developmental psychologists recognise the significance of Jean Piaget's legacy. They honour his creative empirical work, his attempts to incorporate his findings into a cohesive theoretical framework, and the way he paved the way for many scholars to come after him. In fact, a lot of developmental psychology researchers now employ neo- or post-Piagetian theoretical frameworks.

Piaget on education

Teachers apply Piaget's theory to concentrate on their pupils as learners. This emphasis has led to an amount of constructivism and learner-centeredness in education. According to Piaget's thesis, educators can see their pupils as unique learners who create their own understanding by building on what they already know and adding new concepts. The various dispositions are included by educators who base their professional activities on a learner-centered approach. They offer possibilities for experiential learning. When designing the curriculum, these educators also take into account the unique characteristics and perspectives of each student. Teachers let students' observations shape the curriculum. They arouse and encourage students' curiosity. Additionally, they engage students' emotions and provide a secure learning atmosphere.

Regarding schooling, there are two distinctions between the preoperational and concrete operational levels. Reversibility and decentration are these distinctions. Reversibility and decentration can occasionally happen simultaneously. Students use reversibility when they consider how to finish a work without following a certain, logical order. Decentration enables people to focus on several aspects of a challenging activity at once. In order to follow instructions, do homework, and operate during the school day, students employ both decentration and reversibility.

Preoperational children can not comprehend the organisation needed to do this job. A youngster in the concrete operational stage, on the other hand, is able to follow instructions and comprehend the organisation of the stages in any sequence. The youngster is thinking about two things when using decentration: identifying words and looking them up in the dictionary.

A youngster pretending to use a toy banana as a telephone is an example of decentration. The youngster is able to distinguish between fruit and a phone. But in this kind of play, he's simultaneously playing on two levels. At the concrete operational level, decentration enables an older youngster to finish two-digit number subtraction and identify which issues also required borrowing from the opposite column. The pupil completes both at the same time. The learner is required to mentally switch between two subtasks using reversibility.

In terms of teachers praising their kids, praise serves as a reinforcer. Teenagers have social-emotional growth that leads them to want to connect with their peers. For pupils who view instructors as authority figures, praise from teachers therefore has less impact. They either don't appreciate the adult offering the praise or they don't think it's worth anything.

Education

Piaget's ideas also influenced the philosophy and practice of education in Europe and America in the 1970s and 1980s, resulting in a more "child-centered" approach. "Education, for most people, means trying to lead the child to resemble the typical adult of his society," Bringuier states in Conversations with Jean Piaget. "But for me and no one else, education means making creators... You have to make inventors, innovators-not conformists."

His idea of cognitive development may be applied in early childhood education settings. Piaget believed that interactive classrooms were the greatest environments for children to grow. According to Piaget, knowledge is the capacity to alter, change, and "operate on" a concept or object in order to help the operator understand it. Therefore, experience-both logical and physical-with the items themselves and how they are used leads to learning. So that knowledge may increase in complexity through scaffolded comprehension, it must be assimilated actively by a learner with developed mental capacity. Through the process of equilibration, in which the learner balances new knowledge with prior understanding to make up for "transformation" of knowledge, the learner scaffolds comprehension.

In terms of teachers praising their kids, praise serves as a reinforcer. Teenagers have social-emotional growth that causes them to look for connection. In terms of teachers praising their kids, praise serves as a reinforcer. Teenagers have social-emotional growth that leads them to want to connect with their peers. For pupils who view instructors as authority figures, praise from teachers therefore has less impact. They either don't appreciate the adult offering the praise or they don't think it's worth anything.

Therefore, in an educational situation, teachers may also facilitate learning. According to Piaget, learning is constrained by development because knowledge cannot be fully produced until the learner has fully developed the mental structures that are relevant to that particular learning. However, knowledge may also be "built" by expanding upon previously established, simpler processes and structures. By basing an advanced structure's operations on those of lesser structures, one may scaffold the development of learning to build on operational abilities over time. Thus, effective instruction is based on the students' operational skills, which enable them to advance in their operational stage, build upon prior structures and abilities, and ultimately "build" learning.

Gryphon and Case's "Number Worlds" programme provides evidence of the efficacy of a modern curriculum design that draws on Piaget's notions of developmental progression and the support of emerging mental processes. The curriculum builds on five instructional methods, including matching curricula to the developmental sequence of skill acquisition, in order to aim towards developing a "central conceptual structure" of number sense in young children. A conceptual framework that is developed and matched to the developmental stage of each kid is achieved by delineating the number sense developmental sequence.

But because Piaget's work has often been misunderstood, cognitive scientist Karen Fuson has claimed that the influence of his theories on education has not been totally good. Specifically, Piaget's emphasis on children's interactions with objects during the concrete operational stage has influenced an educational approach where young children are encouraged to manipulate real objects to learn mathematics, but without the teacher guidance required to help them understand what they are doing and connect their activities to symbolic mathematics. This has had an especially detrimental effect on low-attaining kids, who require more guidance from someone with more experience in order to make sense of and advance in their learning.

The discipline of Education Studies has come under fire from psychologist Mark Seidenberg for allegedly undervaluing the contributions of historical psychologists like Jean Piaget and Lev Vygotsky while ignoring significant advancements in cognitive science in the decades after their publication. In contrast, a 2016 systematic review of education studies revealed that comprehensive approaches that include direct skills instruction are more effective in early childhood education than constructivist approaches inspired by Piaget and Vygotsky.

Morality

Piaget had two fundamental beliefs about character education: that moral concepts come to children gradually and that children form their own worldviews. Piaget states that "the child is someone who constructs his own moral world view, who forms ideas about right and wrong, and fair and unfair, that are not the direct product of adult teaching and that are often maintained in the face of adult wishes to the contrary." Piaget thought that moral decisions were made by children based on their personal experiences with the outside world.

When Piaget published The Moral Judgement of the Child in 1932, his theory of morality was revolutionary for two reasons: first, he defined morality according to philosophical standards (universal, generalizable, and necessary), and second, he rejected the idea that moral norms could be equated with cultural norms. Based on Kantian philosophy, Piaget suggested that morality emerged from peer interaction and was independent of orders from superiors. The main source of moral ideas like equality, reciprocity, and fairness was peers rather than parents.

Piaget introduced a basic difference between various kinds of social connections by attributing diverse psychological processes to various forms of those relationships. Relationships are asymmetrical when there is limitation because one party is more powerful than the other. More crucially, the dominated party can only gain information in a certain, unchangeable form. Piaget describes this process as social transmission and uses the example of how seniors in a tribe introduce younger members to the norms of the group's beliefs and behaviours to illustrate his points. Similar to this, children can learn through social transmission in situations when adults have a dominant influence over them.

In contrast, a more symmetrical connection develops in cooperative relationships because power is more fairly allocated among individuals. Genuine intellectual exchanges may occur in these settings because each participant is allowed to express their ideas freely, take into account the opinions of others, and stand by their own opinions. In situations like these, where children's thinking isn't constrained by an oppressive force, Piaget thought that "the reconstruction of knowledge," or the development of positive problem-solving strategies, occurs. Instead of being predetermined by an outside force, the knowledge that arises in this situation is fluid, open, and governed by the logic of argument.

To put it briefly, cooperative relationships create the space for operations to emerge. According to Piaget, this requires the absence of any restrictive influences, and relationships between peers are the most common examples of this. Thus, moral judgement is taught to infants in this way, according to Piaget, rather by cultural standards (or maybe ideological norms).

Particularly in the case of Lawrence Kohlberg's immensely famous stage theory of moral development, which dominated moral psychology study until the end of the twentieth century, Piaget's research on morality had a significant impact on later work on moral development.

Criticism

But Piaget's views have not been without criticism. The Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky was a prominent person whose theories ran counter to Piaget's theories. Vygotsky emphasised how a child's cultural context affects their developmental phases. Piaget's idea that the hierarchy of learning growth must proceed sequentially was challenged by the fact that various cultures place varying values on social interactions. The Zone of Proximal Development was first defined by Vygotsky as the general job that a kid must accomplish since it would be too difficult for them to develop on their own.

Furthermore, Piaget's theory was criticised by proponents of "neo-Piagetian" models of cognitive development for failing to adequately account for individual variations in cognitive development as well as the fundamental mechanisms of information processing that underlie stage-to-stage transitions. As per these beliefs, the progression from one stage to the next is caused by modifications in information processing systems, including working memory and processing speed. Furthermore, variations in these processes among people clarify why certain persons mature more quickly than others (Demetriou, 1998).

Other theories of child development have been proposed over time, and empirical data have significantly weakened Piaget's views. For instance, newborns that had little weights put to their limbs during the first part of the experiment and then removed before to the second phase would not commit the A-not-B error, according to research by Esther Thelen and colleagues. Piagetian theory cannot account for the variation in newborns' performance on the A-not-B task since this little shift should not affect their knowledge of object permanence. Thelen and colleagues also discovered that a number of other factors (such as waiting time, stance, salience of targets, and strength of memory trace) also affected performance on the A-not-B task. They suggested that a dynamic systems theory approach would be a better fit for explaining these findings than one based on Piagetian theory. Babies as young as 18 months old may comprehend that other people have desires, and that these interests may differ greatly from their own, according to research by Alison Gopnik and Betty Repacholi. This goes against Piaget's theory that young toddlers are extremely egocentric.

Furthermore, Piaget's theory that young infants cannot understand numbers because they are not yet able to engage with abstract notions in the sensorimotor stage has been refuted by contemporary cognitive science. Many educators feel that teaching young children basic mathematics is inappropriate since it won't result in true knowledge, citing Piaget's theory as support. Yet, studies by Starkey et al. have demonstrated that infants as early as six months old can comprehend abstract numbers, and more recent research by Izard et al. has demonstrated that even neonates are capable of seeing them. See Stanislas Dehaene's The Number Sense: How the Mind Creates Mathematics for a thorough explanation of this.

Some Piaget supporters refute his detractors' claims by claiming that they are based on erroneous interpretations of his theory. For an explanation and analysis of Piaget's theories, see also Jonathan Tudge and Barbara Rogoff's "Peer influences on cognitive development: Piagetian and Vygotskian perspectives" and Brian Rotman's Jean Piaget: Psychologist of the Real.


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